JR Test Site News for 01-17-2018

Enlightenment and Its Critics by Nadia Bou Ali

A design for life: An hour with Alain de Botton

Philosopher and author Alain de Botton talks with Scott Wilson on what it means to be a philosopher in the modern age, explains his views on enlightened capitalism, and discusses what we should all do to navigate the pleasures and sorrows of work and make our lives more meaningful. Author and philosopher Alain de Botton discusses, among other things, the promise of enlightened capitalism and how to survive the pleasures and sorrows of work in the modern world. You’d be forgiven for thinking that talking with Alain de Botton, whom the Guardian has called Britain’s “Most popular philosopher,” could be somewhat intimidating for those with no more than a layman’s grasp of Seneca, Nietzsche, and the joys of the unreconstructed Schopenhauer. Ten minutes into our discussion I’m struck by just how friendly, polite, and dare I say it, unassuming, one of the UK’s foremost polymath thinkers comes across in an interview. Does wielding such an obviously wide, diverse lens through which to observe, think, and write demand some sort of a process to getting stuff done? “I think in a weird way the TED talk I gave in Oxford in 2009 in many ways did change my life and I didn’t know it at the time. The reason being, as you hint, businesses look at TED talks, and that particular talk opened doors to an incredible array of businesses that I’ve been in contact with since 2009. I find myself often invited to come and talk to them, to think with them, to write stuff for them. It’s become an increasingly important part of what I do every year, which involves many different kinds of projects. But it tends to come from the same place, from this one talk.” The Pleasures and Sorrows of Work saw him dabble in ethnography in a way that recalls sociologist Donald Francis Roy’s classic studies of industrial blue collar America of the ’40s and ’50s. Spending two years researching a variety of professions, jobs, and the people who work in them allowed de Botton to explore whether we can ever truly be satisfied with work and navigate what he calls the fallacy of meritocracy in the workplace. “I think the question is similar, or I always think of an analogy, with love. You know, when people ask is it possible to have a relationship that’s satisfying? Well I think we have to start with the theory. And at the level of theory, yes, of course it is possible. Is it hard? Yes. It’s unbelievably hard. And part of the reason why it’s hard is because human beings have so much imagination. By imagination I mean a capacity to imagine affections and developments from pretty good situations. So we’re ambitious. We’re all the time thinking, this is quite nice, but could it be better? And we think that in love and we think that in work.” Some of de Botton’s recent thinking on what he calls enlightened capitalism also hints at a need for business to embrace human needs more so than in the past in order to become more effective in a world where disruptive technological change is the norm. “There are very, very few people who get through this life thinking that they’ve done justice to their talents and have answered their romantic longings. This is just a privilege that’s open to very few. And yet the world leads us to expect that this is for the many.” “I think capitalism, as I see it, is a concept that to date has been very useful and very good at delivering answers to many human needs that have plagued human beings for most of their history. You know, we are now very good at delivering food, construction material, certain kinds of information, transport, logistics, legal knowledge, financial knowledge, medical knowledge and assistance. These things are going pretty well in many advanced economies, although obviously disastrously in other nations. But in the kind of economies where the people reading this will be, these things are going quite well.” “But of course, critics of capitalism say it’s hollow, it’s meaningless, it’s soulless. It’s all about more running shoes and pizzas! It’s not about the stuff that matters. Now I think this is interesting and the true capitalist has to take that onboard. And yes, if you think of the famous pyramid of needs from Maslow, capitalism has been making its profit and centering its energies around the bottom bit of the pyramid. I think the challenge for the future is how can money and labor be made and employed towards the top of the pyramid. And if you’ll remember, the top of the pyramid is things like the need for connection, the need for community, the need for understanding.” Take the mobile phone and communications. We’ve made unbelievable progress at learning how to get in touch with one another. But the real challenge is not just how to find someone in space and send them a text message, it’s how to get through to them in the really difficult areas of life. Communication between colleagues, between friends, between family members remains very challenging, despite the iPhone! So I think technology is still at the dawn of cracking some of the harder issues, and businesses are still not necessarily capitalizing on those more thorny psychological needs that lie outside of business as we currently understand it.” What exactly is it about religion that informs your thinking in the realm of enlightened capitalism? “And then a lot of my work has been focused on changing the atmosphere around culture and how people respond to philosophy, literature, etcetera, and to their own emotions. And that led to the creation of The School of Life where we have a rolling procession of lectures, speakers, classes, and all sorts of things. What I’ve been thinking about now is how can the good ideas in this world ally themselves with power, which nowadays is around business.”

Keywords: [“think”,”very”,”work”]
Source: https://www2.deloitte.com/insights/us/en/deloitte-review/issue-14/dr14-design-for-life.html

JR Test Site News for 01-17-2018

How To Become Spiritually Enlightened the Confederation Way/ Overcoming Corrupt Governments

Record your answers to these questions on the separate answer sheet. In the test booklet, write your answer to each question on the lines following that question. Directions: For each statement or question, write on the separate answer sheet the number of the word or expression that, of those given, best completes the statement or answers the question. June ’04 Achievements of Feudal Societies Inventions During the Neolithic Revolution Issues of the Protestant Reformation Contributions of the Islamic Civilization Base your answer to question 9 on the map below and on your knowledge of social studies. June ’04 Base your answers to questions 19 and 20 on the map below and on your knowledge of social studies. June ’04 [OVER] Base your answer to question 21 on the map below and on your knowledge of social studies. 26 All the elements identified in the illustration contributed to German interdependence imperialism unification apathy 28 Which event had the greatest influence on the development of laissez-faire capitalism? fall of the Roman Empire invention of the printing press Industrial Revolution Green Revolution Base your answer to question 27 on the graph below and on your knowledge of social studies. June ’04 [OVER] 33 During World War I, which group of people were victims of genocide? Arabs in Egypt Palestinians in Syria Algerians in France Armenians in the Ottoman Empire Base your answers to questions 31 and 32 on the woodblock print below and on your knowledge of social studies. Ladies with western musical instruments 34 The Treaty of Versailles punished Germany for its role in World War I by forcing Germany to accept blame for the war and to pay reparations dividing Germany into four occupied zones supporting economic sanctions by the United Nations taking away German territory in the Balkans and Spain 35 The main reason Japan invaded Southeast Asia during World War II was to recruit more men for its army acquire supplies of oil and rubber satisfy the Japanese people’s need for spices prevent the United States from entering the war Base your answer to question 36 on the passage below and on your knowledge of social studies. June ’04 44 The Twelve Tables, Justinian’s Code, and the English Bill of Rights are similar in that each addresses the issue of social mobility economic development the individual and the state the importance of religion [OVER] Base your answer to question 45 on the cartoon below and your knowledge of social studies. June ’04 Base your answer to question 48 on the cartoon below and on your knowledge of social studies. In developing your answer to Part II, be sure to keep these general definitions in mind: describe means “To illustrate something in words or tell about it” explain means “To make plain or understandable; to give reasons for or causes of; to show the logical development or relationships of” Part II THEMATIC ESSAY QUESTION Directions: Write a well-organized essay that includes an introduction, several paragraphs addressing the task below, and a conclusion. June ’04 NAME SCHOOL In developing your answer to Part III, be sure to keep this general definition in mind: discuss means “To make observations about something using facts, reasoning, and argument; to present in some detail” Part III DOCUMENT-BASED QUESTION This question is based on the accompanying documents. Task: Using information from the documents and your knowledge of global history, answer the questions that follow each document in Part A. Your answers to the questions will help you write the Part B essay in which you will be asked to: Discuss the political, social, and/or economic causes of British imperialism Discuss the positive effects and the negative effects of British colonial rule Global Hist. June ’04 [OVER] Part A Short-Answer Questions Directions: Analyze the documents and answer the short-answer questions that follow each document in the space provided.

Keywords: [“question”,”answer”,”document”]
Source: http://www.nysedregents.org/GlobalHistoryGeography/Archive/20040617exam.pdf

Liberation theology

Beginning as a Catholic movement in Latin America and soon spreading to Africa, Asia and other regions, liberation theology has emerged as the strongest spiritual voice of protest against the ill effects of unchecked global capitalism, insanely greedy corporate behavior and corrupt plutocracies. Liberation theology officially commenced among Catholic bishops at the epic Latin American Episcopal Conference, CELAM II, in Medellín, Colombia, 1968. Liberation theology has called, not just for more charitable giving by the “Haves,” but, more radically, for 1) complete solidarity with the oppressed in a “Preferential option for the poor”; 2) nonviolent and truly revolutionary removal of oppressive political-economic regimes; 3) forming “a new kind of civilization” based on a much fairer distribution of resources and more equal opportunity; along with 4) a humble, penitential, servant Church to help usher in this better and far more just state of affairs. Liberation theologians have faith that human base communities rooted in godliness can manifest true peace and justice. Much of the impetus for liberation theology came directly from the Second Vatican Council-most notably, the Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes-and ensuing papal encyclicals and documents, especially Pope Paul VI’s Populorum Progressio. Courageous women and men like San Salvador’s martyred archbishop, the saintly Oscar Romero, have willingly sacrificed their lives in the liberation struggle on behalf of their brothers and sisters oppressed by callous regimes. Again, liberation theology must not be dismissed as some “Subversive pinko communist redistributionist” scheme. After an early misunderstanding of liberation theology, John Paul came around to the side of liberation theology in 1979, even though high-level Vatican conservatives, especially Cardinal Ratzinger and Cardinal Trujillo, would not affirm its program. The main cautionary note from John Paul was that liberation theologians mustn’t promote class warfare nor become alienated from an inner, contemplative spirituality in their quest to rectify oppressive and unjust circumstances. His weighty papal encyclicals Laborem Exercens and Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, and numerous statements during his reign communicated a bonafide, fervent liberation theology. Aspects of liberation theology can be found in strongly worded passages in the momentously revised edition of the Catechism of the Catholic Church7 sponsored by Pope John Paul II. This program of compassionate solidarity is echoed by a multitude of voices in other denominations of Christianity, and in Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, Jain, Muslim, indigenous and other religions. A former right-wing fascist turned social-justice advocate, he became an early international representative of liberation theology in the 1960s and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1974 in recognition of his prophetic role as a tireless voice for the poor and marginalized. Orbis has published many other works on/by Gutiérrez, and books on liberation theology by other writers, including Leonardo Boff, Jesus Christ, Liberator, Way of the Cross, Way of Justice, Liberating Grace, Passion of Christ, Passion of the World, The Path to Hope, Cry of the Earth, Cry of the Poor, etc. A candid yet sympathetic account by an insider is Jose Comblin, Called for Freedom: The Changing Context of Liberation Theology, Orbis, 1999. 4 Pope John Paul II’s comments against global capitalism, informed by his dozens of visits to regions around the world and by his communications with bishops, priests, nuns and laity worldwide, were especially emphatic on his October 1995 visit to the U.S. See, for example, “Pope says ‘evil’ economic policies causing hunger,” Reuters, Mon., 23 Oct. 1995; and Larry Stammer & John Goldman, “Pope Presses U.S. to Aid Poor, Preserve Family,” Los Angeles Times, Sat.

Keywords: [“liberation”,”Pope”,”poor”]
Source: http://www.enlightened-spirituality.org/liberation_theology.html

JR Test Site News for 01-17-2018

The Enlightened Capitalism Manifesto

excerpts from the book On Democracy by Robert A. Dahl

Excerpts from the book On Democracy by Robert A. Dahl excerpts from the book Yale University Press, 1998 p11THE MEDITERRANEAN It was in classical Greece and Rome around 500 B.C. that systems of government providing for popular participation by a substantial number of citizens were first established on foundations so solid that, with occasional changes, they endured for centuries. The word democracy, it appears, was sometimes used by its aristocratic critics as a kind of epithet, to show their disdain for the common people who had wrested away the aristocrats’ previous control over the government. According to some estimates, an ordinary citizen stood a fair chance of being chosen by lot once in his lifetime to serve as the most important presiding officer in the government. Unhappily for the development of democracy after about the mid-1300s the republican governments of some of the major cities increasingly gave way to the perennial enemies of popular government: economic decline, corruption, oligarchy, war, conquest, and seizure of power by authoritarian rulers, whether princes, monarchs, or soldiers. As long as only a few people believed in democracy and were prepared to fight for it, existing privilege would maintain itself with the aid of undemocratic governments. Looking back on the rise and decline of democracy, it is dear that we cannot count on historical forces to insure that democracy will always advance-or even survive, as the long intervals in which popular governments vanished from the earth remind us. How can citizens make their views known and persuade their fellow citizens and representatives to adopt them unless they can express themselves freely about all matters bearing on the conduct of the government? And if they are to talk the views of others into account, they must be able to hear what others have to say. How can citizens acquire the information they need in order to understand the issues if the government controls all the important sources of information? Or, for that matter, if any single group enjoys a monopoly in providing information? Citizens must have access to alternative sources of information that are not under the control of the government or dominated by any other group or point of view. How could citizens participate effectively in political life if all the information they could acquire was provided by a single source, say the government, or, for that matter, a single party, faction, or interest? p158… a highly favorable condition for democratic institutions is a market economy in which economic enterprises are mainly owned privately, and not by the state, that is, a capitalist rather than a socialist or statist economy. None of India’s minorities, by itself, can overturn democratic institutions and establish an authoritarian regime, count on the military and police support it would need to sustain an authoritarian government, hope to form a separate country, or propose an appealing ideological and institutional alternative to democracy. Second, without government intervention and regulation a market economy inevitably inflicts serious harm on some persons; and those who are harmed or expect to be harmed will demand government intervention. In a democratic country citizens searching for answers will inevitably gravitate toward politics and government. Whether discontented citizens succeed in getting the government to intervene depends, of course, on many things, including the relative political strengths of the antagonists. The historical record is dear: in all democratic countries, the harm produced by, or expected from, unregulated markets has induced governments to intervene in order to alter an outcome that would otherwise cause damage to some citizens. Because of inequalities in political resources, some citizens gain significantly more influence than others over the government’s policies, decisions, and actions.

Keywords: [“government”,”citizen”,”Democracy”]
Source: http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Democracy/On_Democracy_Dahl.html

The Political Vine,

On February 27, 2017, a Political Vine article was issued regarding the vigorous legislative promotion of casino gambling legislation by Senator Brandon Beach and others. PV compared the “Campaign contributions” by out-of-state casino interests to be equivalent to the noun “Bribes,” in which that definition was based on a common dictionary meaning rather than any kind of statutory definition of that term. In response to the 2/27/2017 issuance of the Political Vine, Senator Brandon Beach had his attorney send me a cease and desist letter, and included a copy of the PV edition in question. “For the record, Georgia’s statutory definition of what constitutes a campaign contribution is found in OCG 21-5-3(7) and while this excerpt I use here is an abridged version of the entire statute, I invite anyone to read the entire definition for themselves:”Contribution” means a gift, subscription, membership, loan, forgiveness of debt, advance or deposit of money or anything of value conveyed or transferred for the purpose of influencing the nomination for election or election of any person for office”. Of course, no politician would ever take generous campaign contributions in direct exchange for political favors, would they? There is some kind of legal line, however thin it may be at times, between bribery and campaign contributions from interests seeking special interest legislation. New Jersey Democrat Senator Robert Menendez has that opportunity to contemplate the contributions/bribery nexus regarding earmarked contributions to a Democrat “Super PAC” by a medical provider who secured the assistance of Senator Menendez in lobbying then-Secretary of Health and Human Services Kathleen Sebelius to rule in his favor in an ongoing dispute over $8 million in Medicare overbillings. While truth is a defense to any defamation suit, perhaps only the U.S. Department of Justice would have the resources and clout to prove in court a quid pro quo regarding campaign contributions in exchange for legislation favorable to the person or entity who contributed the money. To be clear, if I am sued by Senator Beach, or any other legislators involved in promoting casino legislation after their receipt of campaign contributions from casino interests, the court will be asked to award full attorney fees and expenses of litigation, as provided in O.C.G.A. 9-11-11.1. The Website of “Www.secure.campaigner.com” is a domain solely under the control of my email management vendor, for which I pay a monthly fee to be able to manage the email list, as well as compose and email-out the publication whenever I write one. “Campaigner dot com” is not doing any kind of business as “Political Vine dot com.” Cheeley then appears to make some kind of point that because I did not place an asterisk in the Subject Heading of the 2/27/2017 Vine email that I “Notably” omitted the asterisk next to the word “Bribes” in the Subject Line titled “Rumors have itCasino Bribes-UPDATE!02-27-2017” as if to mean I intended something nefarious. I deliberately omitted the use of the asterisk in the “Subject Line” of the email because IF asterisks and other similar symbols are present in an email’s subject line, the email servers taking-in those emails sometimes interpret those emails as potentially being spam emails, and they get rejected, and therefore not delivered to the intended recipients. Demand #1: Regarding Cheeley’s demand of removing “From any and all of your websites all defamatory and disparaging remarks regarding Senator Beach and ‘bribes’ made by you or any visitors to your site.” The only thing that was ever placed on the PV website was the 11-Page PDF document that was assembled using campaign contribution disclosure data publicly accessible via the Georgia Government Transparency and Finance Commission’s Website.

Keywords: [“contribution”,”any”,”email”]
Source: http://politicalvine.com/politicalrumors/crony-capitalism-vs-free-market…

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

Against Philanthropy

Christians, Capitalism, and Culture: A Response to David Bentley Hart

In an article praising Pope Francis in the December 2015 edition of First Things, the Orthodox theologian David Bentley Hart confesses his bafflement at “The anxiety, disappointment, or hostility he clearly inspires in certain American Catholics of a conservative bent.” Referring to Francis’s environmental encyclical, Hart states that “I can quite literally find not a single sentence or sentiment in Laudato Si’ to which it seems to me possible for any Christian coherently to object.” Hart adds that he “Simply cannot find an assertion anywhere in its pages that strikes me as anything other than either a plain statement of fact or a reasonable statement of Christian principle.” Take the encyclical’s avowal-as if it is simply self-evident-that “Economic powers continue to justify the current global system where priority tends to be given to speculation and the pursuit of financial gain, which fail to take the context into account, let alone the effects on human dignity and the natural environment”. The coherence of some of the encyclical’s economic claims is also questionable. My point is not to belabor the encyclical’s inadequacies as it ventures into subjects ranging from economic history to air conditioning’s environmental impact. Hart’s broad generalizations are not limited to Laudato Si’. They are also manifested in his observations concerning what he calls “Late modern capitalism.” For instance, Hart wonders how anyone can doubt. Improving economic conditions have allowed many of these people to contemplate educational possibilities and political potentialities once limited to well-educated Westerners. More generally, Hart seems convinced that modern capitalism is underpinned by a range of unhealthy cultural phenomena. Is there any evidence, for example, that people living 200, 500, 1000, or 2000 years ago were any less inclined to materialism than we are today? Is there any economic system in which consumerism has not reared its head? Surely the temptation to give undue significance to material things exists in all economic arrangements. Although Hart targets “Libertarian individualism” as a capitalist concomitant, the key protocols and institutions of modern capitalism-such as private property, free prices, free exchange, the free movement of capital and labor, banking systems that circulate capital and charge interest, limited government, and the rule of law-precede libertarianism by centuries. As the doyen of medieval economic historians, the late Robert S. Lopez, demonstrated in The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages most of these acquired “Modern” form in medieval Catholic Europe. More generally, Hart may underestimate how much modern capitalism depends on people being focused on meeting others’ needs in new and imaginative ways. Nor does Hart seem aware that extensive surveys of entrepreneurs illustrate that, although material rewards form part of their motivations, greater incentives include the desire to work for themselves, be inventive, and do something that genuinely interests them. Hart rightly states, for example, that “a technological, industrial, or commercial advance is not necessarily an instance of ‘progress,’ and may even constitute a step towards barbarism.” Conservatives, religious or otherwise, generally agree. Nor does it involve extolling some of the alternatives mentioned by Hart, such as the “Social democraticism” presently helping to bury much of Western Europe in a morass of economic decline, soft despotism, and political impotence. Pursuing such a path is harder and more nuanced than engaging in holus bolus denunciations of an economic system that, for all its flaws continues to help reduce poverty, improve health rates, and increase lifespans at historically unprecedented rates; creates a plentiful material basis for more people to pursue goods like knowledge and beauty; and allows growing numbers of people across the globe to realize previously unattainable opportunities.

Keywords: [“economic”,”Hart”,”encyclical”]
Source: http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2015/12/16117

The Myth of “Nazi Capitalism”

I came across a clever tweet recently claiming that people who say “The Nazis were socialists, it’s in the name!” must be “Very confused by buffalo wings.” It is now the conventional wisdom that the Nazis were capitalists, not socialists, despite their misleading name “The National Socialist German Workers Party.” Anybody with a college degree knows they were capitalistic, if not in name, then at least in principle. During the nineteenth century, when socialism was becoming fashionable in Europe, there was no distinction between “Socialism” and “Communism.” There were different forms of socialism, of course, but these were not distinguished by the different terms. Mises writes, “In 1875, in his Criticism of the Gotha Programme of the German Social Democratic Party, Marx distinguished between a lower and a higher phase of the future communist society. But he did not reserve the name of communism to the higher phase, and did not call the lower phase socialism as differentiated from communism.” According to Marx’s theory of history, socialism was an inevitability. In Germany, the first purveyors of “State socialism” emerged shortly prior to Marx. The greatest expositor of his ideas was Ferdinand Lassalle, whose proselytizing led to the rapid growth in popularity of what Mises would call “Socialism of the German pattern.” German socialism, as Mises defines it, differs from what he called “Socialism of the Russian pattern” in that “It, seemingly and nominally, maintains private ownership of the means of production, entrepreneurship, and market exchange.” However, this is only a superficial system of private ownership because through a complete system of economic intervention and control, the entrepreneurial function of the property owners is completely controlled by the State. The Nazis were not trying to hide their socialism; they were just implementing socialism according to a different strategy than that of the Marxist socialists. The Soviets were able to brand the Nazis as capitalists only because they had already started redefining the terms “Socialism” and “Communism” to fit their own political agenda. The terms “Communism” and “Socialism” were still able to be used interchangeably, and the Soviet Union itself was just a shorthand name for the “United Soviet Socialist Republics.” But by branding his group under the title of the “Communist Party,” the title “Communist” – now meaning a member of Lenin’s party – became a way of saying that this was a “True socialist,” so to speak. In his original theory, Marx made a distinction between early- and late-stage communism, where true equality would be reached only in the final stage of communism, after the State had successfully followed all of his prescriptions and humans had evolved beyond their “Class consciousness.” In the new doctrine, “Socialism” simply referred to Marx’s early-stage communism, while true communism – Marx’s late-stage communism – would not be achieved until the whole world was communist. The Nazis still claimed to be socialist and were acting quite a bit like socialists with their heavy-handed economic interventions. As Mises pointed out in his analysis of socialism of the German pattern, the Nazis retained some of the legal language of a capitalist society. When the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin and his lackeys used the new communist narrative to redefine Nazi Socialism – which was never Marxism but was based on the theories of the original German socialists who directly influenced Marx’s later ideas – as “Capitalists.” According to this new narrative, the Nazis were in the final and worst stage of capitalism. The Nazis, who touted their socialism proudly and implemented socialist policies with great consistency, were now being referred to as capitalists for no reason other than they did not fit cleanly into the Soviet-Marxist worldview, and this false narrative survives today.

Keywords: [“socialism”,”Socialist”,”Nazi”]
Source: https://mises.org/library/myth-nazi-capitalism

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

Promissory Note Redemption And Money Mechanics 101

Capitalism / Useful Notes

Thomas Pikettynote Piketty, Thomas, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, translated by Arthur Goldhammer p.571 – first published as Le capital au XXI siècle, 2013.Like its competitor Socialism, Capitalism is an economic model which governments implement to enable people to work for access to scarce goods and services. As with Socialism, the strict division of Capitalism’s economic from its social and political aspects is a False Dichotomy: Capitalism is an economic system, so by definition it cannot exist independently of human society and its politics. Definition Capitalism is a political-economic system for structuring society in such a way that the individuals of the ‘capitalist class’: Own capital/the means of production: the physical, non-human inputs used for the production of economic value, such as facilities, machinery, tools, infrastructural capital and natural capital. Economic stagnation is the inevitable result of growing wealth inequality because economic activity is driven by consumption, and sufficiently wealthy individuals spend relatively little of their income on consumption. Government maketh Market “It is manifest that, during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called war, and such a war as is of every man against every man. In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain and, which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” In Hobbes’ anarchic ‘State of Nature’ there is no government, so there is no market. “The existence of a free market does not of course eliminate the need for government. On the contrary, government is essential both as a forum for determining the”rule of the game” and as an umpire to interpret and enforce the rules decided on. Government maketh Market: minutiae Capitalist economists are divided on how government should define the market: Enforcing Property Rights: Stealing is wrong. His most important work, Principles of Economics was the leading economic textbook for a very long time. Whereas economists before Keynes were more focused on keeping inflation low, Keynes was obviously more focused on promoting general economic activity. Note an economic period of high inflation and rising unemployment, leading to lower growth), saying that trying to prevent one of them will eventually cause both of them to rise Crucially, he argued that the only tool governments needed to promote growth and prevent depressions was an extremely aggressive use of the money supply. Depression Economics may be his most popular work, but his most important works are the papers in Journal of International Economics and Journal of Political Economy which introduced those two theories, which won him his Nobel prize. Piketty pointed out that over time, when the rate of return on capital is greater than the rate of economic growth the result is concentration of wealth, and rather than trickling down, it merely increases the wealth gap if left unchecked and this leads to political and economic instability. Note Most critics of every flavour of Capitalist and Socialist economic school did not understand the book in its entirety. Whether Social Democrats are considered capitalists, socialists, both, or neither varies from person to person, even among Social Democrats themselves; the prominent historian Tony Judt wrote that “Social Democracy had always been a hybrid; indeed, this was just what was held against it by enemies to the Right and Left alike,” and called it “a practice in lifelong search of its theory.” Capitalism does allow for government intervention but social democrats are among the people mentioned above who see many market failures to correct. Supply side economists such as Thomas Sowell advocated for an economic system that would cut taxes and eliminate regulations, leading to more spending from the rich with wealth trickling down to the working class.

Keywords: [“economic”,”government”,”Market”]
Source: http://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/UsefulNotes/Capitalism

There were the “early years†which covers the time …enter the triple bottom line – john elkington chapter 1 enter the triple bottom line john elkington in 1994, the author coined the term triple bottom line. He reflects on what got him to that point, what has …ohio society daughters of the american revolution cardinal … – vol. Taking notes 1894 1922 revolution and nationalism433chapter 4 efficiency of energy conversion – 58 chapter 4 pp. Juvenile justice chapter 2 – kean university – the industrial revolution of the 18 th and 19 th centuries resulted in new issues in the treatment of children. The influx of people into urban areaschapter-by-chapter answer key – wps. Ablongman – chapter-by-chapter answer key 354 excluded and their work ignored. Chapter 23 touring our solar system – jkaser – chapter 23 touring our solar system section 1 the solar system key concepts how do terrestrial planets differ from jovian planets? how did the solar system form?the phoenix project – home – it revolution – chapter 1 15 immediately notice how nicely furnished it is. The book of manu contains reference regarding …clothes and shoes: can india – union budget chapter clothes and shoes: can india reclaim low skill manufacturing? 07 since the industrial revolution, no country has become a major economy withoutchapter 2: marketing public relations: a theoretical … – 12 chapter 2: marketing public relations: a theoretical overview 2.1 introduction this chapter reviews the disciplines that form the foundation of this study …statute for web – opec : home – contents chapter i organization and objectives 1 chapter ii membership 3 chapter iii organs 5 i. the conference 5 ii. The board of governors 9vehicle speed sensors – jagsthatrun – vehicle speed sensors 12—2 vss, buffers, and dracs with american cars, speedometer cables turn 1000 revolutions in one mile. if a speed sensor is called a”2-pulse … the human condition – sduk – introduction by margaret canovan vii prologue 1 i. the human condition 1. The term vita activa 12 3.78514 chfm chem i 204 4pgs – jones & bartlett learning – dietitian’s guide assessment documentation jacqueline c. morris, rd, mph, cdn executive director, annex nutrition services elmsford, new york to reading and vocabulary study guide – world history … – reading and vocabulary study guide prentice hall world history connections to today the modern era ideal for notetaking builds vocabulary and readingap world history – mr. Waddell – part iii: ap world history review chapter 6 foundations of world history: c. 8000 b.c.e600c. Elements of physicalnanotechnology and health risks – 1 nanotechnology is being hailed as the “next industrial revolutionâ€. 23—2016 iii v foreword vii acknowledgements viii acronyms chapter 1 1 the context of agricultural mechanization chapter 2 9 challenges faced by …ngc 2015 discussion document african national congress – contents 1. Green , chapter 4 efficiency of energy conversion , juvenile justice chapter 2 – kean university , chapter-by-chapter answer key – wps. Ablongman , chapter 3 centrifugation – academia sinica , chapter 3 forms of energy – xplora , chapter 2 the history and development of management accounting , chapter 5 rural development – planning commission , chapter 23 touring our solar system – jkaser , the phoenix project – home – it revolution , defining juvenile delinquency – jones & bartlett learning , chapter iii – shodhganga , clothes and shoes: can india – union budget , chapter 2: marketing public relations: a theoretical … , statute for web – opec : home , vehicle speed sensors – jagsthatrun , the human condition – sduk , 78514 chfm chem i 204 4pgs – jones & bartlett learning , reading and vocabulary study guide – world history … , ap world history – mr.

Keywords: [“chapter”,”revolution”,”history”]
Source: http://www.outsmart.no/chapter_17_revolution_and_enlightenment.pdf

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

A Force for Good: How Enlightened Finance Can Restore Faith in Capitalism – A Fireside Chat

Messing With Texas Textbooks

One of the tasks of the Texas State Board of Education is to update curriculum standards and textbooks for Texas schoolchildren. The Texas school system is so large – 4.8 million textbook-reading schoolchildren as of 2011 – that revisions made by the board are often included in school books across the country, though digital technology has lessened this effect in recent years. In 2010, the board got a lot of attention when it approved over 100 amendments – many of which had a very clear conservative political agenda – to the social studies and economics curriculum standards. Thomas Who?Thomas Jefferson, the Founding Father considered by many to be the author of the Declaration of Independence, is also credited with coining the phrase “Separation of church and state.” According to The New York Times, that coinage didn’t make him very popular with the conservative members of the board. Downplaying Religious FreedomA proposed amendment from one of the Democratic board members would have required students to “Examine the reasons the Founding Fathers protected religious freedom in America by barring government from promoting or disfavoring any particular religion over all others.” One Republican member argued that the “Founders didn’t intend for separation of church and state in America” and called the statement “Not historically accurate” and the conservative members voted down the standard. The board then added a new one that suggests the “Separation of church and state” is not a key principle of the First Amendment. Censoring CapitalismCiting negative connotations, conservative board members decreed that all instances of the word “Capitalism” should be replaced with “Free-enterprise system.” They also objected to “Democratic,” so “Democratic societies” and “Representative democracy” were replaced by “Republic.” Any reference to American “Imperialism” was also stricken and replaced with “Expansionism.” In the textbooks, imperialism could only be associated with European and Russian colonialism. “Super” Heroes?In perhaps the most blatant political move, the board passed an amendment requiring U.S. history students to learn about “The conservative resurgence of the 1980s and 1990s,” but not about liberal or minority groups. Bling’s the ThingEarlier this week, the Texas GOP released their 2012 platform which includes, among other controversial policy positions, a desire to return to the gold standard. The school board held a debate – unattended by any economists – and arbitrarily passed a revised standard that requires students to “Analyze the decline in the value of the U.S. dollar, including the abandonment of the gold standard.” The Great SocietyThe board approved a standard requiring students to learn about “Any unintended consequences” of the Great Society, affirmative action and Title IX. Other attempts to change the way the civil rights movement was taught, including a provision that would require students learn that it created “Unreasonable expectations for equal outcomes,” failed to pass. Socialists Get the BootDolores Huerta, co-founder of United Farm Workers of America, was dropped from a third grade list of “Historical and contemporary figures who have exemplified good citizenship.” Conservative board members said Huerta is not a good role model for third-graders because she’s a socialist. Exhuming McCarthyFar right members of the board – hoping to lessen criticism of Senator Joseph McCarthy’s 1950s hearings – passed a standard that would make students learn “How the later release of the Venona papers confirmed suspicions of communist infiltration in U.S. government.” Googling BoondoggleSouth Texas artist Santa Barraza was recommended for inclusion in a 7th grade standard by a Latina board member. The Texas Freedom Network notes that several of Barraza’s paintings were hanging in the Texas governor’s mansion while George W. Bush was in residence in the 1990s.

Keywords: [“Board”,”standard”,”member”]
Source: http://billmoyers.com/content/messing-with-texas-textbooks

Quotations, Quotations, Quotations

“A lot of people out there pay good lip service to the idea of personal freedom right up to the point that someone tries to do something that they dont personally approve of.” – Neal Boortz. “The Golden Rules comes from REALITY. Anyone with even a room-temperature IQ can size up people who get along and people who don’t and see clearly what’s right and what isn’t. Saying the Golden Rule derives only from religion or the supernatural cheapens it and relegates it to being an arbitrary matter of opinion.” – Rick Gaber. “People who are obsessed with what’s legal usually have no concern about what’s moral. They care only about what they can or cannot ‘get away with,’ not about doing what’s right and feeling good about it.” – Rick Gaber. “American history has proven when people live in freedom the vast majority of sovereign individuals believe in, and practice, the golden rule.” – Rick Gaber. “In small towns as well as large, good people outnumber bad people by 100 to 1. In big towns the 100 are nervous. But in small towns, it’s the one.” – Paul Harvey. “In some professions, a large part of the time of first-rate people is spent countering the half-baked ideas of second-rate people and trying to salvage something from the wreckage of the disasters they create.” – Thomas Sowell. “What the government is good at is collecting taxes, taking away your freedoms and killing people. It’s not good at much else.” – Tom Clancy on Kudlow and Cramer 9/2/03. “A welfare state is scared to death of poor people coming in and rich people getting out.” – Harry Browne. “Capitalism is not an ‘ism.’ It is closer to being the opposite of an ‘ism,’ because it is simply the freedom of ordinary people to make whatever economic transactions they can mutually agree to.” – Dr.Thomas Sowell. “People who are very aware that they have more knowledge than the average person are often very unaware that they do not have one-tenth of the knowledge of all of the average persons put together. In this situation, for the intelligentsia to impose their notions on ordinary people is essentially to impose ignorance on knowledge.” – Dr. Thomas Sowell. “The world is full of smart people who have information about every imaginable topic, and until the Internet came along, there wasn’t any practical way to put it together.” – John Hinderaker, as quoted in Time. “With a few rare exceptions, people in government are pathetic mediocrities who accumulate power over others as their neurotic substitute for their missing sense of self-worth, a sense which becomes ever-more elusive as time erodes any likelihood of their leaving government for the real world and creating new values which never existed before – instead of stealing and redistributing old ones which did.” – Bert Rand. “The college idealists who fill the ranks of the environmental movement seem willing to do absolutely anything to save the biosphere, except take science courses and learn something about it.” – P.J. O’Rourke “There are just two things standing in between the American people and their freedom: Democrats and Republicans.” – Joe Seehusen. “People who fight may lose. People who do not fight have already lost.” – Bertold Brecht. “Reason is the faculty which perceives, identifies and integrates the material provided by man’s senses. Mysticism is the claim to a non-sensory means of knowledge.”In Western civilization, the period ruled by mysticism is known as the Dark Ages and the Middle Ages. I will assume that you know the nature of that period and the state of human existence in those ages. The Renaissance broke the rule of the mystics. ‘Renaissance’ means ‘rebirth.’ Few people today will care to remind you that it was a rebirth of reason- of man’s mind.”

Keywords: [“people”,”man”,”freedom”]
Source: http://freedomkeys.com/quotes.htm

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

bell hooks: Cultural Criticism & Transformation

Rhetorical Style and Bourgeois Virtue: Capitalism and Civil Society in the British Enlightenment By Mark Garrett Longaker

The political scientist Francis Fukuyama has argued that “Capitalism” requires “Certain premodern cultural habits” in order to “Work properly.” Even as he concedes that market societies require ethical behaviors to engender trust, Fukuyama never imagines that linguistic syntax instills a sense of “Moral obligation [or] duty toward community.” The economist Deirdre McCloskey celebrates the bourgeois virtues because capitalism makes people good and good people make capitalism work: “Virtues support the market … [and] the market supports the virtues.” But McCloskey makes no mention of metaphors or similes. In the chapters to follow, I argue that the British Enlightenment wove all three disciplines into a cohesive vision of free-market capitalism, rhetorical style, and bourgeois virtue. To summarize my principal argument, in the late seventeenth, mid-eighteenth, and mid-nineteenth centuries a British philosopher, a political economist, a rhetorical theorist, and a sociologist all tried to cultivate bourgeois virtue by teaching rhetorical style, each building on others’ ideas and each addressing a unique stage of capitalist development. In both arenas, the bourgeois subject exhibits the same rhetorical virtues to sustain civil society. Hegel argued that civil society is a free and open arena “Between the family and the state.” The “Creation of civil society,” said Hegel, “Belongs to the modern world.” Civil society is the domain of the bourgeoisie, the place where free people exchange goods and ideas to achieve reasoned cooperation and to pursue personal profit. Their rationally self-interested behavior results in an unintended social good, for “The particular end takes on the form of universality, and gains satisfaction by simultaneously satisfying the welfare of others.” Hegel was heavily influenced by English political economy, so his notion of civil society repeats a basic presumption that Hegel inherited from the British Enlightenment: in bourgeois civil society, social welfare arises from the unintended consequences of rationally selfish behavior. Since the Enlightenment affection for belletrism and the plain style was built on a synthesis of civic virtue and civil society, I will spend a few more paragraphs discussing these terms. The British Enlightenment fascination with aesthetic effect in prose style also recalls the bourgeois hope for civil society. While the separation of civic virtue from civil society helps to explain British Enlightenment rhetoric, this distinction suggests two wholly separate traditions and a clean transition from the ancient to the modern world, from Renaissance civic virtue to bourgeois civil society. For centuries, even as civil society was emerging, beliefs about civic virtue persisted and sometimes reinforced people’s hopes for the bourgeois public sphere. According to Pocock, Scottish intellectuals defined “a morality in which virtue might be shown arising from sources in society, culture, and commerce, and existing independently of the practice of autonomous politics.” For the Scottish Enlightenment’s leading writers civic virtue arises in civil society. Bourgeois, and civil society in such detail, I stated this book’s principal argument: in the late seventeenth, mid-eighteenth, and mid-nineteenth centuries a British philosopher, a political economist, a rhetorical theorist, and a sociologist all tried to cultivate bourgeois virtue by teaching rhetorical style, each building on others’ ideas and each addressing a unique stage of capitalist development. Each chapter in this book explains how one British Enlightenment intellectual wove civic virtue into civil society by promoting clarity and gentility in rhetorical style. My study of capitalism and civil society in the British Enlightenment reveals that our age is not exceptional. A glance back at the British Enlightenment reminds us that the earliest bourgeois citizens adorned themselves and their language because they believed that capitalism requires rhetorical style and bourgeois virtue.

Keywords: [“virtue”,”society”,”civil”]
Source: http://www.psupress.org/Books/Titles/978-0-271-07086-5.html

The Legacy of Puritanism, Divining America, TeacherServe®, National Humanities Center

Two leading literary and cultural scholars of New England Puritanism and its legacy, Harvard Professors Perry Miller in the 1940s and 50s and, more recently, Sacvan Bercovitch, the studied the rhetorical strategies of the New England Puritans and demonstrated the remarkable extent to which the leaders and clergy created a rich American Christian mythology to describe their Providential role as the new Chosen People in world history. With Winthrop as Governor, the Puritans, as they were called by their enemies, established a government and churches and initially negotiated with the local tribes for land; later they would decide that God had intended for the land to be freely taken by the English. While the Hutchinson case is the most famous of many theological and political upheavals that occurred in the first decades of the colonies, Roger Williams was also disturbed by the preparation doctrine, and he disputed the use being made of Biblical typology to construct such notions as the Puritans being the new Chosen People and Boston being the new Zion. In 1649, the Puritan dissenters in England overthrew the monarchy and executed Charles I, and Oliver Cromwell governed the Protectorate in the 1650s. Immigration to New England accelerated after the Puritans lost power in England, but tensions arose again when the newcomers could not meet the strict standards for conversion and church membership and were denied land and voting rights that were reserved for the converted. Because the Puritans believed that the Bible and Nature should be closely studied for signs of God’s intentions, they were acutely alarmed by a series of terrible events that occurred in these years: earthquakes, plagues, violent storms, explosions and fires in the town and aboard ships, and crimes such as murders and suicides, all providing evidence of God’s anger. “With New England firmly under English control and a new cosmopolitan world view from Europe was pervading cities like Boston, the communities that the Puritan founders created were transformed. By the 1730s, what remained of American Puritanism was split into three Protestant sects. In the first years of the eighteenth century, most Congregational churches in New England began to liberalize and to de-emphasize the strict Calvinist doctrines; as they tried to open up the churches to more new members, these liberal clergy were call the”Old Lights’. Their uses of the imagery, myths, and verbal structures of the Puritan sermon kept the jeremiad alive. In spite of these developments, the legacy of American Puritanism would continue to feed a sense of colonial pride, ambition, and competitiveness that New England had achieved in the seventeenth century. From early on, the Puritans had difficulty keeping God’s grace and business profits separated. While the Puritans never read Weber or Bercovitch and would have difficulty understanding their arguments, their behavior reflected an unconscious recognition of the ways that the spiritual calling and the material calling, as they called them, could yield earthy and heavenly rewards at the same time. Since the fall of the World Trade Center, a host of non-fiction books have appeared that critique the failures in American society that led to the disaster and seek answers for restoring the country to an earlier stability and security. Many people in other countries identify American as puritans, and in spite of the high percentage of the population of the United States that has come from abroad, many of them embrace the some of the puritan values such as long hours of hard work, few vacation and days off, pride in not missing work, and they pass these values onto their children. As long as such belief persists, the puritan rituals of national repentance, reawakening, and renewal will continue. The Puritan idea of Americans as the second Chosen People of God has played an important and lasting role in the views of Americans about their own country and the views of those abroad about the way in which the United States has employed the idea of the City on the Hill.

Keywords: [“Puritan”,”American”,”New”]
Source: http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/eighteen/ekeyinfo/legacy.htm

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

RSA ANIMATE: 21st Century Enlightenment

The Corporate Governance Green Paper: enlightened capitalism tempered by prudent reality

The Green Paper looks at the 2013 reforms to quoted company pay. Strengthen the UK Corporate Governance Code to provide greater specificity on how companies should engage with shareholders on pay, including where there is significant opposition to a remuneration report. In addition to suggesting means to strengthen shareholder powers on pay, the government also wants to look at ways of encouraging shareholders to make full use of their existing and any new powers on pay, and engage in active stewardship of the companies they own. The government recognises the “Challenging” role of remuneration committees in balancing a range of competing interests and considerations in setting executive pay, but believes that some committees are not “Sufficiently or visibly pro-active in consulting formally with shareholders and with the company’s workforce. There are concerns too, that some lack the authority or inclination to take positions that may not align with the CEO or wider executive team’s expectations.” Reducing the ability of companies to rely on “Commercial sensitivity” exemptions to the existing requirement to disclose bonus targets, either by increasing non-legislative pressure on future reporting through relevant governance bodies such as the FRC, or by requiring retrospective disclosure of previous targets within a specified date range. The government notes investor criticism of some aspects of current long term incentives plans, which are “The model of choice for almost all quoted companies. They aim to align directors’ incentives with the long-term interests of the company, on the basis of share awards which must be held for a set number of years, usually at least three years.” These criticisms include the relative crudeness of success measures such as earning per share or total shareholder return, and the encouragement of short-termism through short holding periods. The Green Paper argues that a consideration of wider stakeholder interests benefits both companies and society as whole. Section 172 Companies Act 2006: Duty to promote the success of the company. A director of a company must act in the way he considers, in good faith, would be most likely to promote the success of the company for the benefit of its members as a whole, and in doing so have regard to -. The Green Paper discusses the current obligation on all companies to prepare a strategic report to provide shareholders with information that will enable them to assess how the directors have performed their duties under section 172 of the Companies Act 2006. It notes that the “UK’s strongest corporate governance and reporting standards are focused on public companies where the owners or shareholders are distant from the executives running the company. These standards provide independent shareholders with reassurance that the company is being run in their interests and that they have the information needed to hold the executive to account”, and that to date the differing ownership structure of private companies has meant that the governance standards expected of listed companies has not been extended to these businesses. The renewed focus on stakeholder interests and the Government’s view that “Society has a legitimate expectation that companies will be run responsibly in return for the privilege of limited liability” has led the Government to revisit where the corporate governance demarcation line is drawn. Applying enhanced governance standards through a new voluntary code for private companies – essentially a modified version of the UK Corporate Governance Code reflecting the different circumstances of private companies; and. Whilst the Government is inviting input on what threshold should apply to any future governance requirements for private businesses, the Green Paper does highlight the number of private companies and LLPs with over 1,000 employees, which perhaps provides some indication of the size of business the Government has in mind. The thoughtful alternatives put forward provide a constructive framework to advance discussion of the proper role that the consideration of stakeholder interests should play in the prudent management of companies.

Keywords: [“company”,”pay”,”government”]
Source: http://www.osborneclarke.com/insights/the-corporate-governance-green…

Discourse On Colonialism

Césairean Négritude, as Rabaka observes, “Is wide-ranging and grounded in black radical politics and a distinct pan-African perspective; a purposeful perspective aimed not only at ‘returning’ to and reclaiming Africa, but perhaps more importantly, consciously creating an authentic African or black self.” A concern for solidarity with all colonized and enslaved people of African descent occupied Césaire and will likewise be Fanon’s concern. Césaire voices his pan-African perspective toward the end of his interview with Depestre. As part of his aim to establish a positive black identity, Césaire drew from various elements of his French educational training and created something new, something bearing the distinctive marks of the African spirit. Césaire in no way denied the French influences shaping his work. “Whether I want to or not, as a poet I express myself in French, and clearly French literature has influenced me.” Even so, Césaire states emphatically that while elements of the French literary tradition function for him as a “Point of departure,” his goal has always been “To create a new language, one capable of communicating the African heritage.” Here one might draw an analogy between Négritude’s relation to French culture and literature and the relation between African American jazz and European classical music. “French was a tool that I wanted to use in developing a new means of expression. I wanted to create an Antillean French, a black French that, while still being French, had a black character.” With this new language as his weapon, Césaire begins his Discourse on Colonialism with a triple staccato firing of single sentence paragraphs, each carefully crafted to condemn Europe’s so-called civilizing mission. Unlike the white Marxists, including Sartre, Césaire and the Négritude writers could not separate the class problem from the race problem, nor did they overlook the connection between capitalism and colonialism. As Rabaka observes, “Césaire understands European civilization to rest on the colonization of non-Europeans, their lives, labor and lands. His Negritude, like Du Bois and James’s discourse, was a revolutionary humanist enterprise”, attuned to the sufferings of all those exploited by the machinery of colonialism and slavery. As Césaire puts it, the Communists “Acted like abstract Communists” in their failure to address the “Negro problem.” In contrast, the colonized and enslaved, given their concrete experience of racialized existence past and present, do not have the option to overlook the race question; thus, concludes Césaire, Négritude has a crucial role to play in the ongoing reformation of Marxism. Césaire goes on to explain his interests in the surrealist movement and how it became for him a way to “Return” to Africa. Having described surrealism as a “Weapon that exploded the French language,” he then states “[s]urrealism interested me to the extent that it was a liberating factor. I said to myself: it’s true that superficially we are French, we bear the marks of French customs; we have been branded by Cartesian philosophy, by French rhetoric; but if we break with all that, if we plumb the depths, then what we will find is fundamentally black”. Having just noted that “[f]rom From Mallarmé to the Surrealists,” the goal of French poetry seems to have been the “Self-destruction of language” , Sartre goes on to say that the Negritude poets “Answer the colonist’s ruse by a similar but reverse ruse: because the oppressor is present even in the language they speak, they speak that language in order to destroy it. The contemporary European poet attempts to dehumanize words in order to return them to nature; the black herald intends to de-Frenchify them; he will crush them, he will break their customary associations, he will join them violently”. Of the capitalism of his day, Césaire writes, “Capitalist society, at its present stage, is incapable of establishing a concept of the rights of all men, just as it has proved incapable of establishing a system of individual ethics”.

Keywords: [“French”,”Césaire”,”civilization”]
Source: http://percaritatem.com/tag/discourse-on-colonialism

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

Why Self Interest is Not in Your Interest

Islam and the Enlightenment

Many writers are prepared to acknowledge Muslim cultural and scientific achievements, but always with the caveat that Islamic civilisation never experienced an equivalent to the Enlightenment. Salman Rushdie has recently argued that Islam requires “Not so much a reformation… as an Enlightenment”. On the one hand, “It assumes that ‘Islam’ and ‘Enlightenment’ have nothing to do with each other – as if the European Enlightenment emerged out of nothing, without appropriating Islamic thought and learning.” On the other, “It betrays an ignorance of postmodern critique that has exposed Enlightenment thought as Eurocentric hot air.” So Islamic thought was responsible for the Enlightenment but the Enlightenment was intellectually worthless. The first is that Islam did not require the Enlightenment, because unlike Christianity its tenets do not involve the same conflict between religion and science. As the Egyptian scholar AO Altwaijri has written, “Western enlightenment was completely opposed to religion and it still adopts the same attitude. Islamic enlightenment, on the contrary, combines belief and science, religion and reason, in a reasonable equilibrium between these components.” Islam is certainly less dependent than Christianity on miracles or what Tom Paine called “Improbable happenings”, but ultimately, because it counterposes reason to revelation, Enlightenment thought casts doubt on all religions – Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism and Buddhism alike. The history of the Islamic world shows that it also raised many of the themes which later became associated with the Enlightenment, and did so earlier in time. The issue is therefore why the Enlightenment became dominant in the West and not in the Islamic world – or indeed in those other parts of the world, like China, which had previously been materially more advanced than the West. The comparative basis for the critique of Islam is the Enlightenment that occurred in Europe and North America between the mid-17th and early 19th centuries, but the terms of the argument are changed in relation to Islam. Enlightenment thinkers also took a far more complex attitude to Islam than their present day admirers would have us believe. As Jonathan Israel recounts in his important history, Radical Enlightenment, “On the one hand, Islam is viewed positively, even enthusiastically, as a purified form of revealed religion, stripped of the many imperfections of Judaism and Christianity, and hence reassuringly akin to deism. On the other, Islam is more often regarded with hostility and contempt as a primitive, grossly superstitious religion like Judaism and Christianity, and one no less, or still more, adapted to promoting despotism.” Edward Gibbon wrote in a remarkably balanced way about Mohammed and the foundation of Islam in The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire, particularly given his generally critical attitude to Christianity. In general the Enlightenment did not regard Islam as being any better or any worse than Christianity. The question is, after over 100 years of imperialist intervention, does the Islamic world today have to reproduce the experience of the West, from Renaissance to Reformation to Enlightenment? In 1959 one Afghan intellectual, Najim oud-Din Bammat wrote, “Islam today has to go through a number of revolutions at once: a religious revolution like the Reformation; an intellectual and moral revolution like the 18th century Enlightenment; an economic and social revolution like the European industrial revolution of the 19th century.” History does not do repeats. What future for Islam and the Enlightenment? We should remember the experience of the West. Our Enlightenment occurred when Christianity was older than Islam is now and did not occur all at once. To say to that they, or people of any faith, must abandon their beliefs before we will deign to speak to them is not only arrogant but displays all the worst aspects of the Enlightenment – “Here is the Truth, bow down before it!” Why should Muslims listen to people whose self-importance is so great they make agreement with them a precondition of even having a conversation? Enlightenment cannot be imposed by legal fiat or at the point of a gun.

Keywords: [“Enlightenment”,”Islamic”,”Islam”]
Source: http://socialistreview.org.uk/304/islam-and-enlightenment

How did factories change the nature of labor itself? D. As the new methods of industrial production became more common in parts of northwestern Europe, they spread to other parts of Europe and the United States, Russia and Japan. Where did factories start, and where/how did the factory system spread? E. The “Second industrial revolution” led to new methods in the production of steel, chemicals, electricity and precision machinery during the second half of the nineteenth century. Focus Questions As industrial production rose, what type(s) of production declined? C. The rapid increases in productivity caused by industrial production What “New” markets did encouraged industrialized states to seek out new consumer markets industrialized states look/ for their finished goods D. The need for specialized and limited metals for industrial production, as well as the global demand for gold, silver and diamonds as forms of wealth led to the development of extensive mining centers. Characteristics? A. New social classes, including the middle class and the industrial working class, developed. New ideas about nationalism, race, gender, class and culture also developed that both facilitated the spread of transoceanic empires and new states, as well as justifying anti-imperial resistance and the formation of new national identities. How did anti-imperialism affect the Ottoman Empire’s territories? D. New states developed on the edges of empire. III. New racial ideologies, especially Social Darwinism, facilitated and How did imperialists justify justified Imperialism. These rebellions sometimes resulted in the formation of new states and stimulated the development of new ideologies. How did Enlightenment thinkers affect understandings of the relationship between the natural world and humans? How did political rebellions affect the political structures and ideologies around the world? Key Concept B. Intellectuals critiqued the role that religion played in public life, insisting on the importance of reason as opposed to revelation Focus Questions 25 How did the Enlightenment evaluate the role of religion in public life? C. Enlightenment thinkers developed What new political ideas new political ideas about the individual, natural rights and the re: the individual, natural social contract. What social & political norms did Enlightenment thinkers challenge? What were the effects of their questioning? What is the basis of national identity and nationalism? How did governments use these new ideas on their populations? III. Increasing discontent with imperial rule and the spread of Enlightenment ideas propelled reformist and revolutionary movements. How did imperial governments react to nationalistic rebellions? 26 Key Concept IV. The global spread of European political and social thought and the increasing number of rebellions stimulated new transnational ideologies and solidarities. Focus Questions What other new ideologies did the Enlightenment stimulate? A. Discontent with monarchist and imperial rule encouraged the What new political ideolodevelopment of political ideologies including liberalism, socialism gies developed from and communism. What were the main social, economic, and political causes and effects of this new age of migration? What were the causes of world population growth? B. Because of the nature of the new modes of transportation, both How did new modes of internal and external migrants increasingly relocated to cities. Focus Questions 27 What were the social consequences and reactions to 19th century migrations? A. Due to the physical nature of the labor in demand, migrants tended How were gender roles to be male, leaving women to take on new roles in the home affected by migration? society that had been formerly occupied by men. How did migrants preserve and transplant their culture in their new homes? C. Receiving societies did not always embrace immigrants, as seen in How did receiving societies various degrees of ethnic and racial prejudice and the ways states react to the new presence of attempted to regulate the increased flow of people across their foreign migrants? borders.

Keywords: [“new”,”how”,”state”]
Source: http://www.historyhaven.com/unitV.pdf

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

Why We Need Enlightened Regulation, with David Weild

The Great Struggle to Escape Capitalism

On February 23-March 8 in the Julian calendar-throngs of women textile workers, seething with indignation and revulsion against the Czarist regime, poured into the streets of Petrograd, demanding bread. No one would have imagined that International Women’s Day might come to mark the first day of the February Revolution, for these women workers, who had taken the initiative with courage and determination, literally had to drag the Bolshevik-led metal workers of the Vyborg district, otherwise noted for their radicalism, behind them. The great hope was that revolutions would follow in the West-for this was thought to be a fundamental condition of the October Revolution’s survival. A cultural revolution, so that ultimately an educated, cultured, and enlightened working class might democratically take control of the intended workers’ state? It was not to be. Some of these rights were what working people, in the process of struggle, had achieved for themselves. In the Soviet Union, following the transition period, the one-party state owned and controlled the means of production, there was no competition between the various public enterprises, and although the actual producers remained propertyless workers, their situation was significantly different from that of workers under capitalism. The Cultural Revolution began on August 5, 1966, with the release of Mao’s big-character poster titled “Bombard the Headquarters.” Three days later, the Central Committee of the CCP adopted a “DecisionConcerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” which, in its view, marked “A New Stage in the Socialist Revolution,” “To struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road.” A huge campaign was to be undertaken to “Transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic base.” Very soon, the struggle was no longer about what the communards had envisioned: the student-intellectual Red Guards and workers took on the elites of the party, the state, and the PLA. The Maoist principles of handling contradictions among the people and those of the “Mass line” were all but lost. The Cultural Revolution in its original form was over, but Mao promised that the future would bring more cultural revolutions. The great struggle between revolution and counterrevolution, with the latter backed to the hilt by imperialism, has always been a very unequal one. Who made the Cuban revolution? The main force of the revolution was the campesinos who worked on plantations owned and managed by corporations. In one of the first extended studies of the revolution, MR founding editors Leo Huberman and Paul M. Sweezy observed that “This is the first time-ever anywhere-that a genuine socialist revolution has been made by non-Communists.” Indeed, even the urban déclassé section of the working class seemed to have had better political sense. The revolutionaries attributed these losses in part to their own failure to practice the “Mass line,” as well as to neglect of the long, hard, patient underground organizational work, which should have preceded the launch of armed struggle. How then may we put revolution and counterrevolution in perspective? The life-and-death struggle of revolution and counterrevolution since 1917 is the outcome of more than four centuries of the history of capitalism. Marx expected that the transitional period after the revolution would witness a negation of capitalism, which would develop its own positive identity through a revolutionary struggle, in which ordinary people would remake society, and in the process remake themselves. The guiding role of middle-class revolutionaries in the vanguard party of the 1917 type is indispensable until an enlightened working class emerges-of course, with the proviso that the middle-class educators must themselves be educated by “Learning truth from practice.” The Cultural Revolution’s central idea-that political, managerial, and bureaucratic power-holders entrench themselves as a ruling elite and, over time, assume the position of a ruling class, and that the people must constantly be mobilized to struggle against this tendency-should never be forgotten.

Keywords: [“revolution”,”work”,”people”]
Source: https://monthlyreview.org/…/the-great-struggle-to-escape-capitalism

Article about Enlightenment by The Free Dictionary

In studying the problems of the Enlightenment, contemporary Soviet researchers use sources on the Enlightenment in Western Europe and North America and on analogous ideological movements in Eastern Europe and the East, because they regard the Enlightenment not as a local phenomenon but as a world historical one. The philosophy of the Enlightenment was combined with Enlightenment views on history, politics, ethics, and aesthetics, as well as with artistic works of the period, forming a single system permeated with the rejection of feudal ideology and the spirit of the struggle for the emancipation of the individual. This accounts for the boldness of the bourgeois thought of the period and makes it possible to speak of a single school of Enlightenment thinkers and a single anti-feudal Enlightenment ideology, despite the heterogeneity of the Enlightenment and the ideological and political differences among Enlightenment thinkers on many political, ideological, philosophical, and other questions. The 18th-century Spanish Enlightenment thinkers criticized medieval Scholasticism and religious dogmas, advocated experimental knowledge and Enlightenment aesthetics, defended Gassendi’s principles of atomism, and developed the ideas of the Physiocrats. The German Enlightenment of the second half of the 18th century substantially enriched European Enlightenment thought and, to a certain extent, summarized the entire Western European Enlightenment. The crisis in Enlightenment ideology, which became evident as early as the 18th century in Great Britain, was manifested in a skeptical reexamination of the potentialities of human reason, in the expression of doubt in bourgeois progress, and in the destruction of the Enlightenment aesthetic ideal. The Russian Enlightenment, like the Western European Enlightenment, may be described as the intellectual preparation for the bourgeois revolution. Because the antifeudal movements in Russian and in Western Europe shared a number of characteristics, the principal ideas of the Enlightenment in Russia coincided with those of the Western European Enlightenment. At times the development of the Russian Enlightenment was promoted by spontaneous demonstrations by the peasant masses or liberal initiatives by the elite, but there were also times when the Enlightenment suffered setbacks under pressure from the feudal reaction. In the countries of Eastern, Central, and Southeastern Europe, which were not advanced enough for bourgeois revolutions in the 18th and early 19th centuries but which had already entered the stage of the breakdown of the system of feudal serfdom, the objective need for antifeudal, bourgeois transformations constituted the foundation for the spread of the Enlightenment ideology and for the assimilation of the ideas of the Western European Enlightenment by progressive members of the intelligentsia. The leaders of the Polish Enlightenment were H. Kołłątaj, S. Śtaszic, J. Śniadecki, and E. Śniadecki, who were influenced by the French Enlightenment thinkers. The chief representative of the Enlightenment among the South Slavs was the Serbian rationalist philosopher D. Obradović, who was influenced by the ideas of the British Enlightenment. For the majority of the Oriental countries, most Soviet Orientalists date the Enlightenment to the late 19th century and the early 20th. In the Orient the Enlightenment movement had a number of distinctive features, including the importance of religious ideology and the absence of a clear boundary between the elements of the late Renaissance and the early Enlightenment. The most important characteristics of the Enlightenment world view in the East were analogous to the principal features of the Western Enlightenment: the antifeudal struggle of progressive thinkers, which encompassed various fields of ideology and which was intensified by an upsurge in national consciousness; criticism of the foundations and specific manifestations of the feudal system; the struggle against prejudices directed at various social estates and religions; and faith in the power of reason, upbringing, and education. The late Enlightenment in the countries of the Orient was greatly influenced by the ideas of the European Enlightenment.

Keywords: [“Enlightenment”,”idea”,”thinker”]
Source: https://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Enlightenment