JR Test Site News for 01-19-2018

Enlightened and Enriched

The eighteenth-century Enlightenment, after all, taught us to be democratic and to believe in human rights, tolerance, freedom of expression, and many other values that are still revered, if not always practiced, in modern societies. Even though attributing economic change purely to economic causes at the exclusion of ideas is part and parcel of historical materialism, a theory generally associated with Marxism, free-market economists have frequently done the same thing, describing the effects of ideology as “a grin without a cat.” One of the few who dissented was John Maynard Keynes, who noted in a famous passage that “The power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas.” There is no better example than the Enlightenment ideas that, I submit, created the prosperity that we enjoy today. The age of Enlightenment was also the age of the “Republic of Science,” a transnational, informal community in which European scientists relied on an epistolary network to read, critique, translate, and sometimes plagiarize one another’s ideas and work. The Universities of Edinburgh and Glasgow were the Scottish Enlightenment’s versions of Harvard and MIT: rivals up to a point, but cooperating in generating the useful knowledge underlying new technology. The English Enlightenment was more practical than the Scottish, and perhaps that was what was needed for innovation. In 1780, one of the greatest figures of the Enlightenment, Benjamin Franklin, wrote in a letter that “The rapid progress true Science now makes, occasions my regretting sometimes that I was born so soon. It is impossible to imagine the Height to which may be carried, in a thousand years, the Power of Man over Matter…. O, that Moral Science were in as fair a way of Improvement.” He addressed that very Baconian sentiment to his friend Joseph Priestley, the British scientist and philosopher who invented soda water and discovered oxygen. The age of Enlightenment, of course, was also the age of Newton, whose discoveries made it possible to understand the movement of heavenly bodies. Even though the Enlightenment, properly speaking, was long past, its legacy was the great nineteenth-century technological breakthroughs: cheap steel, the germ theory of disease, the taming of electricity, the inventions derived from thermodynamics and organic chemistry, and many others. In 1787, Immanuel Kant famously wrote that he lived in an age of enlightenment but not in an enlightened age. The nineteenth century was just the opposite: no longer the age of Enlightenment but an enlightened age, in the admittedly narrow sense that it was hell-bent on carrying out the Baconian program. The Enlightenment’s contributions to long-term economic growth were not merely scientific, moreover. Many economists, following the leadership of Nobel laureate Douglass North, have begun to see Enlightenment economic and political ideas as central to the process. Even more important was the Enlightenment notion of freedom of expression. The American Revolution, just as much a child of the Enlightenment as the French, tolerated and codified slavery. The age of Enlightenment burned coal without concern, unaware of the impact of hydrocarbons on the atmosphere.

Keywords: [“Enlightenment”,”century”,”age”]
Source: https://www.city-journal.org/html/enlightened-and-enriched-13305.html

Jesuit Trained Pope Trashes Capitalism in Call for Worldwide Socialism » Alex Jones’ Infowars: There’s a war on for your mind!

In addition to restating opposition by the Catholic Church to abortion, the new Pope criticized free market capitalism and advocated wealth redistribution. He said “Some people continue to defend trickle-down theories which assume that economic growth, encouraged by a free market, will inevitably succeed in bringing about greater justice and inclusiveness in the world. This opinion, which has never been confirmed by the facts, expresses a crude and naïve trust in the goodness of those wielding economic power and in the sacralized workings of the prevailing economic system. Meanwhile, the excluded are still waiting.” So-called “Trickle down” is not an economic theory. A product of the Enlightenment, laissez-faire capitalism was “Conceived as the way to unleash human potential through the restoration of a natural system, a system unhindered by the restrictions of government,” writes Toufic Gaspard. Laissez faire recognizes the individual is the central unit of society endowed with a natural right to liberty, including the right to economic activity between consenting individuals so long as this activity does not impede the rights of others. In his book The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Smith used the metaphor of an “Invisible hand” to describe unintended effects of individuals involved in economic organization and self-interest. Although laissez-faire capitalism flourished in the United States, it was undermined early on by proponents of the American School and Alexander Hamilton, who proposed direct control of the economy by a central bank and tariffs that favored the industrial North over the agricultural South. In the period following the war, government diminished laissez-faire capitalism by accelerating a mixed economy and enacted various laws, including the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 and the Sherman Anti-trust Act. Under the rubric of Keynesian economics, dominated economic policy following the Federal Reserve engineered Great Depression. The political attacks of Pope Francis and other socialists are the latest effort to undermine free market capitalism and replace it with a socialist system that has demonstrated repeatedly it is incapable of creating the sort of prosperity society requires to prosper. Criticism of “The sacralized workings of the prevailing economic system,” as Pope Francis defined free trade and the natural law of laissez-faire capitalism, is highly misleading. The United States has never enjoyed pure laissez-faire capitalism, but has suffered under varying degrees of crony capitalism, more accurately described as corporatism – or as Benito Mussolini termed it, fascism. As a tutored Jesuit and Argentine, Pope Francis is a student of the Jesuit Reductions, the Catholic program of the 17th and 18th centuries to Christianize, tax and govern the people of Spain, Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia and America. In Paraguay under the Jesuits, according to the New Advent Catholic Encyclopedia, the “Economic basis was a sort of communism” ruled over by the caciques, or tribal leaders, at the behest and guidance of the Padres. Pope Francis and the Catholic Church blame free trade capitalists for this state of affairs, not the state and its system of crony capitalism in the service of a parasitical corporate and transnational elite.

Keywords: [“economic”,”system”,”capitalism”]
Source: https://www.infowars.com/jesuit-trained-pope-trashes-capitalism-in…

JR Test Site News for 01-18-2018

Secular Economics

Secular Economics – IntroductionWhen it comes to secular economics, Secular Humanists do not agree about the ideal economic system, although most support socialism in one form or another. Robert Schaeffer writes, “Many humanists see socialism as a vital element of humanism; indeed, at one time, most humanists believed this.”1 Some former socialists have realized its impracticality. Sidney Hook, a lifetime socialist, now acknowledges, “I no longer believe that the central problem of our time is the choice between capitalism and socialism but the defense and enrichment of a free and open society against totalitarianism.”2. Secular Humanists on the whole embrace some form of socialism because they believe in the inherent goodness of humanity and in human ability to overcome evil-theoretically the only thing that prevents a socialist economy from succeeding. Secular Economics – Socialism and InterventionismWhile many humanists might disagree with this portrayal of secular economics, Humanist Manifesto I and Humanist Manifesto II call for a socialistic redistribution of wealth. 4 Many early Humanists in the United States openly proclaim the need for socialism. Corliss Lamont championed socialism for more than half a century: “I became a convinced believer in socialism as the best way out for America and the world…about 1931 or 1932.”5 John Dewey, a former leader of the socialistic League for Industrial Democracy, also believed socialism was the best economic system. Secular Economics – Limited Socialism, Enlightened CapitalismOne reason given for secular economics to abandon the notion of socialism is that it has never worked wherever it has been tried. Robert Sheaffer says, “[N]o intellectually honest person today can deny that the history of socialism is a sorry tale of economic failure and crimes against humanity. Secular Humanists, whether leaning toward capitalism or socialism, favor some degree of government intervention in the economy in the form of a redistribution of wealth. Secular Economics – ConclusionA socialist system of secular economics is consistent with the Secular Humanist worldview. If we deny our fallen nature, some form of socialism becomes the most attractive economic system for creating a heaven on earth. Socialism or some degree of interventionism becomes the economic system best suited to promote the ethics of Secular Humanism and rectify the evils of capitalism. Because of a commitment to evolution, Secular Humanists believe that socialism is part of the next step in humanity’s advancement. Many believe the move to socialism in the United States is inevitable.

Keywords: [“socialism”,”economic”,”Secular”]
Source: https://www.allaboutworldview.org/secular-economics.htm

A Private-Sector Case Against Exploitation

Over a decade ago, I met with a group of small business leaders to talk about the perils of rising income and wealth inequality, and its destabilizing impact on the economy. “Where are the business voices?” one small business leader asked me. “Where are the enlightened capitalists who understand that stagnant wages and rising wealth inequities are the real threats to the proverbial goose that lays the golden egg?”. I knew from experience that such business leaders were there. One was Jim Sinegal, the now-retired CEO of Costco, who fended off Wall Street pressure to cut wages and eloquently made the moral and business case for a higher federal minimum wage. “The more people make, the better lives they’re going to have and the better consumers they’re going to be,” Sinegal told The Washington Post. “It’s going to provide better jobs and better wages.” BOOKS IN REVIEW. Unfortunately, such voices are outliers. The outspoken ones are often retired CEOs, who-like retired military generals-are outside the constraints of institutional group think and can honestly speak their minds. They are among the ranks of Responsible Wealth and the Patriotic Millionaires, defending the federal estate tax against repeal because they understood the corrosive impact of concentrated wealth and monopoly power. Most business leaders are not engaged in these important debates. They stand by as their local chambers of commerce and business trade associations spend money to lobby for wage and anti-tax policies that would disinvest the commonwealth and widen the wealth gap. Breaking this code of silence, Peter Georgescu burst on the scene two years ago with an op-ed in The New York Times about the business risks of growing income inequality. Georgescu, a retired CEO of a global marketing company, lamented that the United States was becoming a “Caste system,” and asked: “Are we willing to control the excessive greed so prevalent in our culture today and divert resources to better education and the creation of more opportunity?” Current Issue. Teaming up with his friend, Home Depot angel investor Ken Langone, Georgescu began knocking on the doors of CEO executive suites to engage business peers about the dangers of growing inequality. “Inequality leads to unequal opportunity,” they railed, “Which backfires on healthy economic growth and capitalism.” They engaged with CEOs who held the warped worldview that inequality is a good thing-that it “Drives people to do better.” Georgescu pushed back, telling stories of people stuck in a death spiral of debt and the economic dead end of consumers with no disposable income.

Keywords: [“business”,”better”,”wealth”]
Source: https://www.thenation.com/article/a-private-sector-case-against-exploitation/

JR Test Site News for 01-18-2018

We Can No Longer Afford Vulture Capitalism

For too long, people worldwide have been suffering under the dead hand of capitalist oppression: humans reduced to the status of mere pawns and commodities within an inhuman system of obscene privilege for the predatory capitalist class. The capitalist ideology has become so ingrained in people’s minds that they consider economic favoritism a “Fact of nature,” the only possible way to order society. The originally-flawed U.S. Constitution, with its Bill of Rights, has been decimated by the Patriot Act and NDAA. In the economic sphere, we must adopt an entirely new framework wholesale, ridding ourselves of the murderous capitalist economy. The cabal capitalist system contains so much that is not only wrong but positively malignant and lethal that we must adopt a totally different system of commonwealth economic principles and practices. While capitalists have pretended to tinker with their system, they’ve subjected the world to two world wars, the bestial conflagrations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, unremitting general warfare, poverty, unemployment, bailout looting, and general human misery. Capitalism Is Fascism Just as the flawed U.S. constitution led inevitably to the dictatorial seizure of all branches of government-under both the John Adams administration and again now under the capitalist cabal-so the unsound, defective principles of capitalism lead inexorably to fascism. The cutthroat world competition for profits began to result in a change in the economic relations between the major capitalist powers. Each capitalist country’s security was threatened by the protectionist policies of the other capitalist nations. The inevitable result of this world capitalist struggle was World War I, followed in short order by World War II. The American capitalist cabal then imposed dollar imperialism on the rest of the world, forcing all nations to deal in American dollars in all their financial and industrial transactions. “Although war is ‘used’ as an instrument of national and social policy, the fact that a society is organized for any degree of readiness for war supersedes its political and economic structure. War itself is the basic social system, within which other secondary modes of social organization conflict or conspire. It is the system which has governed most human societies of record, as it is today.” Leonard Lewin,, Report From Iron Mountain on thePossibility and Desirability of Peace The Degenerate Capitalist. There have been isolated moments in our history when a few persons within the capitalist camp have attempted to create somewhat salutary human conditions within society, because those few capitalist leaders possessed some sense of decency, propriety, and fellow feeling. That situation no longer exists in the twenty-first century: the new breed of capitalists is composed of the most debased and corrupt persons imaginable. Make no mistake about it, the depraved, murderous rulers we now suffer under are themselves leaders within the predatory capitalist class and have been created in their very persons by the diabolic ideology of capitalism. The rise of the Progressive Movement during the Great Depression somewhat concerned the cabal capitalists, because it represented the working class rising up against capitalist oppression in general. So the capitalists allowed for some improvement in the lot of the workers after the second world war, as exemplified in the GI bill provision for education.

Keywords: [“capitalist”,”capitalism”,”economic”]
Source: http://www.hermes-press.com/capitalism_afford.htm

About

For purposes here, Enlightenment refers specifically to a cultural period in European history, characterized by the accelerated public awakening of reason and science, and by the challenges reason and science present to imperial church which imposed a theology of dominion, i.e., dependency on priestly, hierarchical supremacy and general disregard toward the natural wisdom process of evolving consciousness. The aggravated hostility between religion and Enlightenment is still an unresolved matter of deep and unresolved difference. Today’s faith/ reason conflict is generally reduced to polarized positions of “Belief in God” and “Non-belief in God”; on the terms of theism and atheism the ideological wars of faith and reason are yet fought. “Second” Enlightenment seeks a middle ground by which atheism and theism can come to terms on the common cause of developing the symbiotic rationality of evolving consciousness. In the common purposes of human wellbeing, a sense of symbiotic altruism can be accommodated in which the religion of “Godlikeness” and the enlightenment of wisdom consciousness can come together for purposes of mitigating frictions and advancing commonsense moral understandings of personal/ social wellbeing. What distinguishes “Second” Enlightenment from “First” is its accommodation of a “Metaphysics” that reconciles the “Spirituality” of consciousness with the quantum physics of General and Special Relativity. Because Einstein and Chardin are contemporary, groundbreaking luminaries of scientific and religious evolution, it is quite proper to associate them with the beginning of the Era of 20th Century Postmodernity and with the leap of accommodated consciousness beyond Modern Era violence driven by a culture of mutual intolerance by Religion and Enlightenment. The science of quantum relativity and the theology of evolution mutually inform all human relationships, and together converge on sensible understandings by which people can live together, peaceably and sustainably. Religion and science can find accommodation in the joined sense and sensibility of joined Faith/ Evolution consciousness, the subject matter and purpose of the Evolution Syllabus. It is the quantum-informed insight of universal relationship that practical reality supposes functional reality in all aspects of the cosmic, quantum continuum, and that “Practical living” is also a process of cosmic rationality, the determining consciousness of intelligent living. With the same level of confidence we can say that”Faith supposes reason” even as “Religion supposes civility”. If we believe in the “Essential continuity/ unity” of cosmic evolution, we cannot reasonably avoid assenting to the essential correlations of energy/ matter, of spirit/ substance, of spirituality/ secularity, what is to say, that we must acknowledge the evolution and diversification of the identity-correlations of function and form. In the evolving cosmic continuum, the universal and reciprocal relationships of energy/ matter obtain and apply everywhere. Reciprocal interrelationships obtain in such a way that cosmic energy is nominator and denominator of matter even as matter is nominator and denominator of energy, that is to say that “Function” is nominator and denominator of “Form” as form is nominator and denominator of function. In the SUBSTANTIATION of COSMIC ENERGY, the correlation of energy/ matter is identity, that is, “Form” supposes “Function” even as function supposes form, as materiality supposes “Spirituality”.

Keywords: [“Enlightenment”,”evolution”,”consciousness”]
Source: http://www.secondenlightenment.org

JR Test Site News for 01-17-2018

What Is Software Testing And Its objectives In Hindi

The end of necro-capitalism – Media Diversified

Capitalism: an economic and political system in which a country’s trade and industry are controlled by private owners for profit, rather than by the state. It now seems an apt term to describe an economic model that is collapsing and devouring itself but that given its foundational premise could have had no other end. The contemporary economic system and its theories are truly a ‘Western product,’ developed over four centuries and inextricably linked with the Enlightenment, slave trade, the colonial enterprise, Industrial Revolution and – over time and until recently – unsurpassed Western global hegemony. Western economic historians, economists, even thinkers interested in economics, on the left and right appear equally trapped in their ideological prisons. The left is tied to simplistic positions of inflated victimhood and guilt and/or dialectics of power, where horrors are inflicted by the elite, the proletariat always suffer, and multicultural hypocrisy functions as a sop for superficial colonial guilt at home just as knee-jerk anti-war rhetoric does abroad. The rightist view is equally inaccurate as it relies on ahistorical hagiographies of private enterprise, a mythical innate ability of the ‘West’ to innovate and a refusal to acknowledge not only how colonial wealth powered the Industrial Revolution but also how economic hegemony has been maintained after official decolonisation. Regardless of whether one sees the early days of mercantilism as an early stage of capitalism or not, the assumption that wealth, sourced for Europe from abroad, could be gained at relatively low cost – as proven by the very profitable Slave Trade and extraction of resources from the colonies – was established as a foundational, albeit not necessarily explicit principle of Western economic philosophy. Key philosophers throughout the 18th and 19th centuries not only benefited from the economics of slave trade and colonialism, but took it so much for granted as to not often take them into significant account. In the intervening centuries, this view has continued to underpin Western economic philosophies, implicitly but clearly building global economic structures on an unchallenged right to access resources of the non-European and premised on controlling their territories and resources in perpetuity. Once colonies could not be held formally, most former colonisers attempted an economic sleight of hand. A series of cartel-like international trade decisions were taken despite official decolonisation in order to maintain an indefinite economic hegemony. The post-war order required a combination of political and economic policies to ensure that the former colonies were maintained in poverty, incapable of challenging existing hegemonies, continuing to serve only as sources for cheap raw materials and markets. Economic and political policies are not disconnected, and some of the strongest challenges to Western economic hegemony are being posed by a combination of the two. Over the years, and despite the global economic ‘malaise’, such challenges from the emerging economies of former colonies have only grown, and in tandem with an inexorable European decline and an increasingly dysfunctional USA. However, just as the relative silence around the role of the colonial enterprise in the development of Western capitalist structures has ensured flawed analysis in the past, its continued and willful disregard ensures that contemporary analyses of capitalism retain the lacuna. For too long now, Western politicians have colluded in maintaining this flawed economic model, even when the arithmetic stopped making sense. The US, a relative newcomer to the game of empires, is struggling to maintain its economic advantage at home and abroad even as its populace grows more restive.

Keywords: [“economic”,”Western”,”trade”]
Source: https://mediadiversified.org/2017/11/07/the-end-of-necro…

Internationalizing Feminism in the 19th Century, Introduction

Between the publication of Mary Wollstonecrafts Vindication of the Rights of Women and John Stuart Mills The Subjection of Women ideas, social movements, and individual feminists migrated across land and sea, generating a powerful new context for the advancement of womens rights. In this era, the terms womens rights and womens emancipation were widely used to refer to what we today would call feminism. Women abolitionists endorsed womens rights in 1837, and in the 1830s the American Female Moral Reform Association launched their aggressive campaign against the sexual double standard and promoted womens right to control their own bodies. After visiting the Raritan Bay community in 1852, Elizabeth Cady Stanton declared, “All our talk about womens rights is mere moonshine so long as we are bound by the present social system…. Woman must ever be sacrificed in the isolated household.” Fouriers criticism of marriage as an oppressive institution for women and womens subordination in society more generally inspired extensive contemporary debate and discussion in Europe and the United States. Despite his economic radicalism, in many ways Owens views of women remained traditional, and Thompson and Wheelers Appeal went beyond him by viewing womens oppression from womens point of view. Women within the movement downplayed the free love idea and, after reading Fourier, advocated womens economic independence. In Germany the Revolution of 1848-1849 produced similar uprisings on behalf of expanded civil, political, and economic rights, and there too womens voices emerged to urge women to claim a place in public life. Regard for the American womens movement deepened in the 1850s when European and British support for feminism expanded faster among the middle classes than among socialists. Rather than constructing utopias or achieving womens equality by fundamental changes in the organization of society, most British, European and American feminists focused on improving womens legal status in society as it existed. Married womens property rights and womens right to vote became feminists main rallying points even as they continued to demand equal opportunities in education, employment, the church and the family. Historian Bonnie Anderson noted that Taylors article “Enfranchisement of Women,” referred to by speakers at almost all subsequent American womens rights conventions, was reprinted many times as a pamphlet and “Became one of the best-selling tracts of the U.S. womens rights movement.” In 1866 Bodichon launched the womens suffrage movement in England by co-founding the Womens Suffrage Committee, a group that organized a womens suffrage petition that John Stuart Mill presented to the House of Commons. The New York City convention of 1856 passed resolutions to encourage “The supporters of the cause of women… the worthy successors of Pauline Roland and Jeanne Deroin, who, in the face of imperial despotism, dare to tell the truth.” This inclusive spirit within the American womens rights movement continued in the Equal Rights Association convention of 1869, where Mathilde Anneke spoke passionately on behalf of womens right to vote. The trajectory of growth in European and British feminism carried many women activists into interaction with women in the North American movement, where a robust convention movement was collectively advocating womens rights in ways that had no precedent or parallel in Europe and Great Britain. At the same time that Annekes call for woman suffrage symbolized the integration of European feminism into the American womens rights movement, it also revealed the narrowing of the goals of European and American feminism to focus on the right to vote.

Keywords: [“Women”,”right”,”Feminist”]
Source: http://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/awrm/intro.htm

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

Against Philanthropy

Christians, Capitalism, and Culture: A Response to David Bentley Hart

In an article praising Pope Francis in the December 2015 edition of First Things, the Orthodox theologian David Bentley Hart confesses his bafflement at “The anxiety, disappointment, or hostility he clearly inspires in certain American Catholics of a conservative bent.” Referring to Francis’s environmental encyclical, Hart states that “I can quite literally find not a single sentence or sentiment in Laudato Si’ to which it seems to me possible for any Christian coherently to object.” Hart adds that he “Simply cannot find an assertion anywhere in its pages that strikes me as anything other than either a plain statement of fact or a reasonable statement of Christian principle.” Take the encyclical’s avowal-as if it is simply self-evident-that “Economic powers continue to justify the current global system where priority tends to be given to speculation and the pursuit of financial gain, which fail to take the context into account, let alone the effects on human dignity and the natural environment”. The coherence of some of the encyclical’s economic claims is also questionable. My point is not to belabor the encyclical’s inadequacies as it ventures into subjects ranging from economic history to air conditioning’s environmental impact. Hart’s broad generalizations are not limited to Laudato Si’. They are also manifested in his observations concerning what he calls “Late modern capitalism.” For instance, Hart wonders how anyone can doubt. Improving economic conditions have allowed many of these people to contemplate educational possibilities and political potentialities once limited to well-educated Westerners. More generally, Hart seems convinced that modern capitalism is underpinned by a range of unhealthy cultural phenomena. Is there any evidence, for example, that people living 200, 500, 1000, or 2000 years ago were any less inclined to materialism than we are today? Is there any economic system in which consumerism has not reared its head? Surely the temptation to give undue significance to material things exists in all economic arrangements. Although Hart targets “Libertarian individualism” as a capitalist concomitant, the key protocols and institutions of modern capitalism-such as private property, free prices, free exchange, the free movement of capital and labor, banking systems that circulate capital and charge interest, limited government, and the rule of law-precede libertarianism by centuries. As the doyen of medieval economic historians, the late Robert S. Lopez, demonstrated in The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages most of these acquired “Modern” form in medieval Catholic Europe. More generally, Hart may underestimate how much modern capitalism depends on people being focused on meeting others’ needs in new and imaginative ways. Nor does Hart seem aware that extensive surveys of entrepreneurs illustrate that, although material rewards form part of their motivations, greater incentives include the desire to work for themselves, be inventive, and do something that genuinely interests them. Hart rightly states, for example, that “a technological, industrial, or commercial advance is not necessarily an instance of ‘progress,’ and may even constitute a step towards barbarism.” Conservatives, religious or otherwise, generally agree. Nor does it involve extolling some of the alternatives mentioned by Hart, such as the “Social democraticism” presently helping to bury much of Western Europe in a morass of economic decline, soft despotism, and political impotence. Pursuing such a path is harder and more nuanced than engaging in holus bolus denunciations of an economic system that, for all its flaws continues to help reduce poverty, improve health rates, and increase lifespans at historically unprecedented rates; creates a plentiful material basis for more people to pursue goods like knowledge and beauty; and allows growing numbers of people across the globe to realize previously unattainable opportunities.

Keywords: [“economic”,”Hart”,”encyclical”]
Source: http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2015/12/16117

The Myth of “Nazi Capitalism”

I came across a clever tweet recently claiming that people who say “The Nazis were socialists, it’s in the name!” must be “Very confused by buffalo wings.” It is now the conventional wisdom that the Nazis were capitalists, not socialists, despite their misleading name “The National Socialist German Workers Party.” Anybody with a college degree knows they were capitalistic, if not in name, then at least in principle. During the nineteenth century, when socialism was becoming fashionable in Europe, there was no distinction between “Socialism” and “Communism.” There were different forms of socialism, of course, but these were not distinguished by the different terms. Mises writes, “In 1875, in his Criticism of the Gotha Programme of the German Social Democratic Party, Marx distinguished between a lower and a higher phase of the future communist society. But he did not reserve the name of communism to the higher phase, and did not call the lower phase socialism as differentiated from communism.” According to Marx’s theory of history, socialism was an inevitability. In Germany, the first purveyors of “State socialism” emerged shortly prior to Marx. The greatest expositor of his ideas was Ferdinand Lassalle, whose proselytizing led to the rapid growth in popularity of what Mises would call “Socialism of the German pattern.” German socialism, as Mises defines it, differs from what he called “Socialism of the Russian pattern” in that “It, seemingly and nominally, maintains private ownership of the means of production, entrepreneurship, and market exchange.” However, this is only a superficial system of private ownership because through a complete system of economic intervention and control, the entrepreneurial function of the property owners is completely controlled by the State. The Nazis were not trying to hide their socialism; they were just implementing socialism according to a different strategy than that of the Marxist socialists. The Soviets were able to brand the Nazis as capitalists only because they had already started redefining the terms “Socialism” and “Communism” to fit their own political agenda. The terms “Communism” and “Socialism” were still able to be used interchangeably, and the Soviet Union itself was just a shorthand name for the “United Soviet Socialist Republics.” But by branding his group under the title of the “Communist Party,” the title “Communist” – now meaning a member of Lenin’s party – became a way of saying that this was a “True socialist,” so to speak. In his original theory, Marx made a distinction between early- and late-stage communism, where true equality would be reached only in the final stage of communism, after the State had successfully followed all of his prescriptions and humans had evolved beyond their “Class consciousness.” In the new doctrine, “Socialism” simply referred to Marx’s early-stage communism, while true communism – Marx’s late-stage communism – would not be achieved until the whole world was communist. The Nazis still claimed to be socialist and were acting quite a bit like socialists with their heavy-handed economic interventions. As Mises pointed out in his analysis of socialism of the German pattern, the Nazis retained some of the legal language of a capitalist society. When the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin and his lackeys used the new communist narrative to redefine Nazi Socialism – which was never Marxism but was based on the theories of the original German socialists who directly influenced Marx’s later ideas – as “Capitalists.” According to this new narrative, the Nazis were in the final and worst stage of capitalism. The Nazis, who touted their socialism proudly and implemented socialist policies with great consistency, were now being referred to as capitalists for no reason other than they did not fit cleanly into the Soviet-Marxist worldview, and this false narrative survives today.

Keywords: [“socialism”,”Socialist”,”Nazi”]
Source: https://mises.org/library/myth-nazi-capitalism

JR Test Site News for 01-16-2018

Promissory Note Redemption And Money Mechanics 101

Capitalism / Useful Notes

Thomas Pikettynote Piketty, Thomas, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, translated by Arthur Goldhammer p.571 – first published as Le capital au XXI siècle, 2013.Like its competitor Socialism, Capitalism is an economic model which governments implement to enable people to work for access to scarce goods and services. As with Socialism, the strict division of Capitalism’s economic from its social and political aspects is a False Dichotomy: Capitalism is an economic system, so by definition it cannot exist independently of human society and its politics. Definition Capitalism is a political-economic system for structuring society in such a way that the individuals of the ‘capitalist class’: Own capital/the means of production: the physical, non-human inputs used for the production of economic value, such as facilities, machinery, tools, infrastructural capital and natural capital. Economic stagnation is the inevitable result of growing wealth inequality because economic activity is driven by consumption, and sufficiently wealthy individuals spend relatively little of their income on consumption. Government maketh Market “It is manifest that, during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called war, and such a war as is of every man against every man. In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain and, which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” In Hobbes’ anarchic ‘State of Nature’ there is no government, so there is no market. “The existence of a free market does not of course eliminate the need for government. On the contrary, government is essential both as a forum for determining the”rule of the game” and as an umpire to interpret and enforce the rules decided on. Government maketh Market: minutiae Capitalist economists are divided on how government should define the market: Enforcing Property Rights: Stealing is wrong. His most important work, Principles of Economics was the leading economic textbook for a very long time. Whereas economists before Keynes were more focused on keeping inflation low, Keynes was obviously more focused on promoting general economic activity. Note an economic period of high inflation and rising unemployment, leading to lower growth), saying that trying to prevent one of them will eventually cause both of them to rise Crucially, he argued that the only tool governments needed to promote growth and prevent depressions was an extremely aggressive use of the money supply. Depression Economics may be his most popular work, but his most important works are the papers in Journal of International Economics and Journal of Political Economy which introduced those two theories, which won him his Nobel prize. Piketty pointed out that over time, when the rate of return on capital is greater than the rate of economic growth the result is concentration of wealth, and rather than trickling down, it merely increases the wealth gap if left unchecked and this leads to political and economic instability. Note Most critics of every flavour of Capitalist and Socialist economic school did not understand the book in its entirety. Whether Social Democrats are considered capitalists, socialists, both, or neither varies from person to person, even among Social Democrats themselves; the prominent historian Tony Judt wrote that “Social Democracy had always been a hybrid; indeed, this was just what was held against it by enemies to the Right and Left alike,” and called it “a practice in lifelong search of its theory.” Capitalism does allow for government intervention but social democrats are among the people mentioned above who see many market failures to correct. Supply side economists such as Thomas Sowell advocated for an economic system that would cut taxes and eliminate regulations, leading to more spending from the rich with wealth trickling down to the working class.

Keywords: [“economic”,”government”,”Market”]
Source: http://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/UsefulNotes/Capitalism

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Keywords: [“chapter”,”revolution”,”history”]
Source: http://www.outsmart.no/chapter_17_revolution_and_enlightenment.pdf